The Glasgow-Calcutta Connection by Peter W. Slater

However sparingly, historians and pundits have attempted to measure Scotland’s contribution to the British Empire. This area of scholarship is becoming productive but much remains to be done. Three important texts confront the question of the Scottish contribution. A.D. Gibb’s Scottish Empire (1937), Michael Fry’s The Scottish Empire (2001) and Tom Devine’s To the Ends of the Earth (2012) address the question from a wide perspective, suggesting that further research into the specificities of Scotland’s contribution is needed.[1] But, as Gibb and Devine stress, even the thought of Scotland’s involvement has something odd about it. As Gibb argued in 1937, the idea of a Scottish Empire ‘evokes no memories’, it ‘calls up no mental images’ and ‘stirs no pulse’.[2] According to Devine, the same phenomenon still prevails in the twenty-first century. Devine highlights what he calls ‘the post-imperial silence’ surrounding the imperial history of Scotland, describing it as a ‘national collective amnesia’.[3] Evidence of this public sentiment occurred during the Independence Referendum campaign in 2014. In the week prior to the vote, the Labour Party travelled by rail from Euston to Glasgow Central to attend a No campaign rally at the famous Royal Concert Hall steps on Buchanan Street. As the politicians marched up the hill they were followed by two activists in a rickshaw playing the Star Wars theme tune, ‘The Imperial March’, from their sound system, while shouting repeatedly through their megaphone ‘people of Glasgow, bow down to your imperial masters, welcome your imperial overlords’.[4] This gesture reveals that, for some, Scotland sees itself as a colonised nation and not a nation of colonisers.

Complicated though the question of the Scottish contribution is, the urban landscape that surrounded this protest has inscribed within it traces of Scotland’s imperial contribution. Just before arriving at Glasgow Central Station, the travelling Labour politicians would have glided past Jamaica Street. On their march up the hill they would have passed near West Nile Street, where Finlay, Muir & Co., the Glasgow-born global textile and tea traders, had their headquarters from 1870 to 1909.[5] Or they may have glimpsed a frieze set in the pediment of the City Chambers at George’s Square depicting Queen Victoria accepting gifts from the four corners of her empire.[6] Scotland’s contribution, then, is evidenced by the morphology of the city as it exists now; even if, as Devine argues, it is ‘subsumed, concealed and forgotten within a British melange’.[7] It is the purpose of this essay to uncover some of the details of the Scottish contribution by tracking the political, material and financial relations between Glasgow and Calcutta (and Scotland and India) as they intensified in the second half of the nineteenth century. By tracing these connections we can see how the physical morphology of each city, and its actions and operations, became dependent on its connection with the other. This essay will plot the material, industrial, environmental and economic connections and dependencies between Glasgow and Calcutta and conclude that, though it is important to map these connections and through it the Scottish contribution, it is also problematic to argue, as Michael Fry does, that there was a distinct and different Scottish Empire.[8]

If Scots were already ‘a global people’, then the British Empire intensified their migratory inclinations.[9] Aspirational Scots were attracted by the lure of economic opportunities, imperial careers and the social mobility on offer. [10] According to Fry, ‘India became a magnet for mobile Scots’.[11] When it came to empire-building, swathes of Scots jumped at the chance. The Scottish effort at home was incredibly significant too. An important book entitled Workshop of the British Empire (1977) details the history of the connection between the Clyde Valley and imperial industrial schemes abroad.[12] Historians have since argued that Scotland’s contribution was ‘disproportionate’ in comparison to other empire-building nations.[13] The causality of the movement of both Scotland’s internal population and the global Scottish diaspora was deeply involved with empire. India in particular attracted a continuous stream of emigrants as its raw material resources and growing markets began to be tapped. Glaswegian merchants made ‘spectacular gains’ from the Indian subcontinent.[14] The attraction to areas such as Bengal was perhaps partially a product of the persistence of the press in advertising the opportunities for wealth gathering activities in India. An article in the Glasgow Herald in 1872 offered India as the new America, either to those Scots keen to leave the country and chance their arm by crafting and exploiting trade relations abroad or those who may have had spare capital with which to invest.[15]

Glasgow’s connection to Calcutta extends at least back to the eighteenth century and the heyday of the East India Company.[16] But a watershed moment for a new phase in the relationship between the two cities came with a publication dated 20th April 1853, written by a Scottish statesman, the then Governor-General of the Government of India, Lord Dalhousie. In his Minute address Dalhousie sets out detailed plans to install a railway network throughout India. The empire, he argues, should undertake an industrial and civil engineering project on a monumental scale by implementing railways and with it a fluid industrial economy deep into the Indian landscape.[17] His motivations are clear. The installation of railways would improve the social, commercial, and military advantages already gained by the empire from and in British India.[18] Constructing railways, it was argued, would increase the subcontinent’s commercial potential, assist the military in imposing British rule but also gratuitously aid Indians by drawing the country closer to the civilised modernity that Britain itself claimed to be enjoying.

Dalhousie was a ‘committed technological moderniser’ and saw what he thought was the great good in an Indian railway network.[19] Advantages ‘beyond all present calculations’ would be generated by the ‘great engines of social improvement’.[20] The railways would define his imperial project. Rather than pursuing empire on religious grounds, like his predecessor Alexander Duff, Dalhousie’s technocratic mission was fundamentally secular. He envisaged that the empire would impose a capitalist and industrial economy upon India with the railways as the organisational and operational prime mover. ‘They will lead,’ he wrote, ‘to similar progress in social improvement that has marked the introduction of improved communication in the Western World’.[21] The installation of an Indian railway network would enable the British to ‘propagate … civilisation in the most peaceful and harmless ways’.[22] In Dalhousie’s vision railways were synonymous with civilisation. The plan epitomised the industrial function of the British Empire. It was based on the mechanization of trade and the increased commodity and labour flows on the international market which would at once benefit the empire and civilise the world. Railways meant more than the trains and the tracks. They were intended to reconfigure networks of association, define a new economy and redraw the physical, economic and cultural settings of India.

Central to Dalhousie’s plan was the need for private investment. The East Indian Railway Company would need capital to execute the project. The vast majority of the finance for the Indian railways came from Britain; or, more accurately, were reserved for British investors.[23] This catalysed a wave of exportation of homeland capital for foreign investment.[24] Commentators such as Blackwood’s Magazine warned of a ‘great stream of capital flowing out to foreign countries’.[25] In order to encourage investment from wary investors the Government of India, led by Dalhousie, would stamp a 5% guarantee on all ventures.[26] This was the crucial factor in the creation of the Indian railway network and Indian industrialism more broadly as it hailed ‘the transfer of capitalism, modernity and technology into the Indian landscape.’[27] Dalhousie’s plan was closely stuck to. As John Hurd shows, the maps showing the intended installation of tracks and the actual installation of tracks were very similar.[28] Dalhousie’s ‘light-ray’ pattern around urban industrial centres was adopted with the intention to carry flows of products, people and ideas internally and internationally. Dalhousie’s secular plan for the industrial conversion of India had materialised. It was upon this stage that the trade relations between Glasgow and Calcutta began to intensify. The experiences of Scottish traders abroad and the international circulation of colonial products that flowed among them could only have occurred in the form it did because of Dalhousie’s grand plan.

The Clyde shipping industry was already operating between Glasgow and Calcutta by the time Dalhousie’s strategy started to materialise. As Devine notes, because of Glasgow’s shipping heritage ‘the Scottish heavy industry was strongly biased towards export markets’.[29] The Indian railway network, then, in effect, connected onto the shipping trade and further established the flow of products and machinery between Scotland and India. For example, Glasgow merchants George Smith & Co. provided freight ship services for textiles companies such as Finlay, Muir & Co. and John Lean & Sons Ltd in order to facilitate the importation of Indian cotton and the exportation of Scottish manufactured textiles between the two cities.[30] The letter-books and product records for John Lean & Sons Ltd, housed in the University of Glasgow Scottish Business Archives, tell the story of a long lasting but sometimes difficult exchange of colonial products between Glasgow and Calcutta. Using a ship named the ‘City of Calcutta’, built by Charles Connell & Co. Ltd of Scotstoun, Glasgow, John Lean exported products such as ‘Lappet Dhooties’, ‘cambrics’ and ‘Indian mulls’ for wholesale at the ‘Calcutta Bazaar’.[31]

The epistolary exchanges between John Lean and his Calcutta agents are very formulaic, each one a strict template. Products are itemized, assigned value and their marketability minutely recorded.[32] Even in this dry form they are revealing. The letters show what Bernard Cohn calls the ‘enumerative modality’ of colonial trade.[33] John Lean’s agents in Calcutta use the dialogue to share commercial intelligence and market knowledge. They update the Scottish firm on matters important to trade; such as environmental conditions that affect the supply chain, like monsoons.[34] They also monitor the behaviour of rival companies. The letters describe a price war between John Lean & Sons and a Manchester firm called A & W & Co. over the sale of dhotis, a loin cloths worn by Hindu males, which developed during the mid-1880s.[35] The competitive environment of the Calcutta Bazaar is a constant theme in the letters. John Lean’s agents reported on the 2nd August 1884 that ‘the scale of this firm’s [A & W & Co.] import is now of grave importance, & we are watching closely what is passing at the Custom House’.[36] In their very form the letters presuppose a vast network of mechanised and institutionalised industrial processes between Glasgow and Calcutta. The web of connections and movements between people and products, linked by steam ship and locomotive engine, networking Glasgow and Calcutta, was part of an increasingly global colonial-industrial ensemble. Tracking these products, analysing the experiences of the businesses who manufactured them and being alive to their meanings allow us to open the specificities of the history of empire.

One particularly telling product was manufactured by a structural engineering and ironworks firm called A & J Main & Co. Ltd, based in Possilpark, Glasgow. In 1873 they opened up an office on Dalhousie Square, Calcutta.[37] In fact, they became well established in India, going on to present their products at the Calcutta International Exhibition ten years later in 1883.[38] They made and sold wire fencing designed to protect railway lines.[39] But they also advertised for sale a patented iron plough amazingly named ‘The Empire Cultivator’.[40] In doing so, A & J Main were executing a popular advertising strategy. A dominant trend in late-nineteenth century marketing was to advertise a product in a manner which ties imperial connotations to its meaning. A glance through the first thirty four pages of the Official Catalogue of the 1888 Glasgow International Exhibition will reveal many companies exploiting imperial rhetoric of progress and the feeling of material superiority to sell their products.[41] The Glasgow oil manufacturer MacArthur & Jackson confidently listed their ‘Imperial Prize Medals’ in order to promote their product; the first medal was awarded in Calcutta in 1883.[42] A study of imperial rhetoric and the colonial sales-pitch in Victorian advertising, often most exaggerated around imperial exhibitions held in the second half of the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries, would help to explain how empire was experienced in the domestic sphere. The marriage of the idea of empire with a rural and labourious implement like a plough reveals the extent to which empire penetrated both the imagination and the landscape, even to the very soil, of the domestic setting. This product naturalises the idea of the cultivation of empire by relating it to daily labours and habits. It advertises the notions that empire is labour, it is industry and it is local. No longer is every man’s house his castle, but every man’s farm is his empire.

This example illustrates the material and conceptual interconnectedness of homeland and host-land. It tells of a web of continuities, a network of industrial and material culture between Glasgow and Calcutta. These products, their production and their movement, are the material consequences of Dalhousie’s vision. The connection of the shipping industry to the railway network, combined with the ‘information revolution of the 1870s’, caused by the spread of the electric telegraph, created the streams through which these products moved.[43] The impact this industrial network, especially the railways, had on India is well represented in contemporary scholarship.[44] As Ian J. Kerr notes, ‘railways were at the organizational and technological centre of many of the inter-related economic, political, social and ecological transformations that produced modern India’.[45] The impact of Dalhousie’s vision on India, then, is established. An area less well represented, however, is the impact it had on Scotland. Kerr goes on to argue that ‘the urban areas of colonial India in particular came to exhibit a socio-physical morphology shaped by the location of the railways’.[46] If we fully appreciate the extension of the web of industrial and material networks in operation between Scotland and India, then we can add to Kerr’s argument by examining how the socio-morphology of Glasgow was redrawn by its trade links with India. A railway history, it has been argued, ‘must always give appropriate consideration to the evolving railway technologies at the level of artefact’.[47] The history of the connections of these two cities, and the processes by which they evolved and were spatially redrawn, can be read in the primary artefact of the railway: the steam engine or locomotive.

Locomotive manufacture in Scotland got off to a slow start in comparison to England.[48] The unpublished memoirs of Walter Montgomorie Neilson, one of the original partners of Nielson, Reid & Co., notes the hostility and prejudice he encountered from his English peers when he decided in 1844 to focus solely on the production of locomotives.[49]  In the second half of the century this all changed. Glasgow became a forerunner in the production of locomotive steam engines, which is largely down to Nielson. In Glasgow: Locomotive Builder to the World (1987), Mark O’Neill labels Neilson ‘Glasgow’s railway pioneer’ and tracks the development of his firm from their steam engine factory in Finnieston to the huge locomotive factory in Springburn, where they eventually merged as the dominant shareholder with German run and Scottish based locomotive manufacturer Dubs & Co., and their old Manchester rivals Sharp, Stewart & Co. Ltd, to become the North British Locomotive Company Ltd, the most productive locomotive builder in Europe by 1903 with over 8,000 employees.[50] The growth of this firm is at once linked to the urban development of Glasgow and the growing network of connections established by the colonial-industrial ensemble. In the history of Glasgow’s urban landscape, its shape or morphology inevitably reflects the operation of the city’s industry; while at the same time, the city’s industry inevitably reflects and is directly linked to the wider networks involved in the production and movement of products abroad to places like India. Neilson’s first order from the East Indian Railway Company came in 1859.[51] From then on the business relied heavily on its export trade.[52] India became the company’s most prolific customer: ‘Of the 16,000 locomotives built by the Neilson & Co., Dubs & Co., and Stewart, Sharp & Co. up to 1903, India had purchased 3,500’.[53] Industrial trade in locomotives and other products created a strong link between Scotland and India: ‘by 1909 Indian Railways had 7024 locomotives, of which half had been made in Scotland’.[54]

A history of the Scottish contribution would have to include how the physical, social and demographic settings of the country changed to meet the demand of new markets in the subcontinent. Not only does the empire require British people to emigrate to the colonies, taking with them certain industrial and material cultures, customs and attitudes. Empire also demands that the internal population of the homeland reconfigure itself to meet the industrial and bureaucratic needs abroad. Railway towns that emerged in India with the installation of the railway network, such as Kanchrapara just north of Calcutta, are materially connected to the factories, foundries and industrial sites that lined the Clyde and that constituted Glasgow in the second half of the nineteenth century. If railway infrastructure in India is, as Laura Bear argues, ‘an objectification of imperial industrial capitalism’, then so too are the industrial centres of Scotland that fed it.[55] The traces of Glasgow’s imperial history that litter its urban landscape today, traces that are admittedly continuously receding, tell the story of an historical association with India and Calcutta.

The associations between Glasgow and Calcutta were also recorded by the press throughout the second half of the nineteenth century. Commercial and cultural connections between the two cities were much talked about in the Glasgow Herald. A dominant theme was the comparison between India and America. The old myths about the New World were recycled and applied to the economic and financial opportunities in India. In 1882 an article appeared entitled ‘Sir James Bain on the Resources of India’.[56] It documents an address made by Sir James Bain, a former Lord Provost of Glasgow, to the Chamber of Commerce, on ‘the immense natural resources’ of India. Bain is recorded as saying the following:

India is the great and valuable country of the East. With all degrees and variations of climate, capable of growing all kinds of crops; with great rivers, a large extent of rich alluvial soil, equal in quality to any in America, and requiring no fertilisers.[57]

These sentiments summarise a prevailing association between Scotland and India cultivated in the press. India’s productive potential defined it as an exploitable component of the larger colonial-industrial network. In this rendition, India’s climate and its ‘numerous and industrious population, able and willing to live at a very small cost’ are seen to do the hard work themselves.[58] Bain goes on to addresses another dominant theme in the representation of India in the Glasgow press. He states that ‘India requires only the judicious application of capital to railways’ to enable it to develop its potential industrial resources.[59] India was defined by its material potential, but it also offered wealthy Scots an investment project.

Whether it is the material melee of the Calcutta Bazaar or the conceptual realm of the colonial financial sector, India was represented for Scots as a field of aspiration and the gathering of wealth. On the very first page of the Official Guide to the 1888 Glasgow International Exhibition the investment firm Standard Life Assurance Company had a full page advertisement offering ‘Whole World Assurance’ from its ‘Branches and Agencies throughout the World.[60] It depicts an image of Atlas with the earth on his back; the same figure still exists as a stone sculpture on top of the firm’s old headquarters on Hope Street, Glasgow. The company handled private colonial investments. The advert confidently cites in bold capital-letters ‘INDIA, CANADA, WEST INDIES: CAPE COLONY, CHINA, AUSTRALIA’.[61] In fact, the company became an important financial service that constituted the Scottish foreign financial market. As J. H. Treble notes, ‘in 1880, the company had only £0.5 million in overseas railway and government bonds. … By 1910 this had risen to £7.5 million, which represented well over half of the total assets held by Standard Life.’[62]

The 5% guarantee on dividends to all investors in the East Indian Railway network devised by Dalhousie ignited what Devine calls an ‘investment bonanza’ that accelerated towards the end of the century.[63] Devine notices ‘a new economic dynamo’ in Victorian Scotland as ‘the new craze for overseas lending’ took hold.[64] Not only did the wealthy elites and industrialists of Scotland venture their capital abroad, but new investors from the middle-classes took to financial institutions like Standard Life Assurance.[65] The company’s advert in the Official Guide to the 1888 Glasgow International Exhibition is surrounded by adverts for personal and household products like cooking stoves and lavatory stands.[66] Colonial investment sat among domestic wares, suggesting that the fruits of the colonies were open to all. The ‘modestly prosperous’ among the estimated 400,000 people who attended the opening ceremony of Glasgow’s new City Chambers in 1888 could have associated the grand pediment frieze, and those gifts carried to Queen Victoria from the frontiers of her empire, with the yield of their investment in the colonies.[67] This image could symbolise the increasingly busy material and financial traffic between Scotland and India and between Glasgow and Calcutta in the second half of the nineteenth century. The original plan for the pediment intended to depict Victoria on her throne ‘with the Clyde at her feet sending her manufactures and her arts to all the world’.[68] The decision to change the pediment frieze represents a shift in the Scottish imperial attitude. With the investment bonanza of the late nineteenth century the workshop of the British Empire also becomes the repository of its capital yield.

This essay has attempted to analyse the Scottish contribution to empire in the second half of the nineteenth century by tracking some of the political, material and financial strands connecting Glasgow and Calcutta. But it has done so not to assert the existence of a Scottish Empire distinct from British imperial practice but in an attempt to explain the changing physical, cultural and demographic shape of Scotland in the Victorian period. A. D. Gibb titled his book Scottish Empire (1937) rather than ‘The Scottish Empire’ because, he says, it would be ‘a condensed assertion of something which I do not myself believe to exist’.[69] Sixty four years later, and well aware of Gibb’s text, Michael Fry does call his book The Scottish Empire (2001) implying that he is arguing for the recognition of a history of a separate Scottish Empire. His laudatory tone throughout the text confirms this. Yet to posit this is to misinterpret the complex layers of nationality woven through the Scottish contribution. The Scottish Empire as a historiographical organising principle forgets or misreads the nature of the interdependencies between homeland nationalities and the foreign connections. Dalhousie, for example, was a Scottish Statesman but also an Oxford graduate. Henry Dubs the locomotive industrialist that established long lasting connections between engineers in Glasgow and Bengal was born to a farming family in Guntersblum near Darmstadt, Germany. The competition already detailed between manufacturing firms in Glasgow and Manchester is affirmation that Scottish and English interests and operations were intimately intertwined. Indeed Devine argues that the Scottish contribution was ‘the means by which the Scots asserted their equal partnership with England’.[70] Far from establishing a separate and distinct Scottish Empire with a unique attitude and agenda, the Scottish contribution and the British Empire more broadly tended to complicate or haze the notion of distinguished and identifiable national contributions. Tracking the political, material and financial networks that existed between Glasgow and Calcutta in the Victorian period, I hope, provides proof of this.

Bibliography

Books, Chapters, Articles and Journals

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Aguiar, Marian. Tracking Modernity: India’s Railway and the Culture of Mobility (Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press, 2011).

Arnold, Edwin, The Marquis of Dalhousie’s Administration of British India (London: Saunders, Otley, & Co., 1862.

Bear, Laura, Lines of the Nation: Indian Railway Workers, Bureaucracy, and the Intimate Historical Self (Columbia: Columbia University Press, 2007).

Cohn, Bernard, Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996).

Dalhousie, Lord, Minute on Railways in India, 1853 (quoted in  John Hurd and Ian j Karr, India’s Railway History: A Research Handbook (Boston: Brill, 2012).

Devine, T.M., To the Ends of the Earth: Scotland’s Global Diaspora, 1750-2010, (London: Penguin Books, 2012).

Fry, Michael, ‘Introduction’ The Scottish Empire (Edinburgh: Tuckwell Press, 2001).

Gibb, A.D., Scottish Empire, (London: Alexander MacLehose & Co, 1937).

Ghandi, M.K., ‘The Condition of India: Railways’, eds. Ian J. Kerr Railways in Modern India (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001) pp. 77-79.

Glasgow International Exhibition 1888: The Official Guide, International Exhibition of Industry, Science and Art (Glasgow, Scotland: 1888), University of Glasgow Special Collections Sp. Coll. Bh11-b.5.

Goldsmith, Raymond, The Financial Development of India 1860-1977 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983).

Hamilton, Douglas, ‘Scotland and the Eighteenth-Century Empire’ The Oxford Handbook of Modern Scottish History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012).

Hurd, John and Ian J. Kerr, Ian J., India’s Railway History: A Research Handbook (Boston: Brill, 2012).

Hurd, John, ‘Railways’, Railways in Modern India eds. Ian J. Kerr (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).

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Johnson, Alan, Out of Bounds: Anglo-Indian Literature and Geography of Displacement (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2011).

Kerr, Ian J., ‘Introduction’, eds. Ian J. Kerr Railways in Modern India (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).

‘Letter from Gladstone, Wyllie & Co. to John Lean & Sons Ltd – received 31st July 1884’, University of Glasgow Archives Services, GB 0248 UGD 2/11/26.

Mackenzie, Ray, Public Sculpture of Glasgow (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2002).

MacPherson, M.J., ‘Investment in Indian Railways, 1845-1875’, Economic Review (December, 1955).

Marx, Karl, ‘The Future Results of the British Rule in India’, eds. Ian J. Kerr Railways in Modern India (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001) pp. 62-67.

McLaren, Martha, British India & British Scotland, 1780-1830: Career Building, Empire Building, and a Scottish School of Thought on India Governance (Ohio: The University of Arkon Press, 2001).

Moss, Michael and Hume, John R., Workshop of the British Empire: Engineering and Shipbuilding (Edinburgh: Heinemann Publishers, 1977).

Mukherjee, Mukul, ‘Railways and Their Impact on Bengal’s Economy, 1870-1920’, eds. Ian J. Kerr Railways in Modern India (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001) pp. 62-67.

Nicolson, Murdoch and O’Neill, Mark, Glasgow: Locomotive Builder to the World (Edinburgh: Polygon Books, 1987).

Reid, Walter Montgomorie, ‘Dates and Notes of the Principal Occurrences of My Life’ (undated), University of Glasgow Archives Services, GB 0248 UGD 010/5/1.

Sarkar, Smritikumar, Technology and Rural Change, 1830-1980 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014).

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Thompson, Andrew, ‘Empire and the British State’, British Empire: Themes and Perspectives eds. Sarah Stockwell (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2008).

Thorner, Daniel, ‘The Pattern of Railway Development in India’, eds. Ian J. Kerr Railways in Modern India (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001) pp. 80-96.

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‘1930 Industrial Britain: A. and J. Main and Co’ Grace’s Guide: British Industrial History accessed 22/03/2015 at 18:29 – http://www.gracesguide.co.uk/1930_Industrial_Britain:_A._and_J._Main_and_Co

[1] A.D. Gibb, Scottish Empire, (London: Alexander MacLehose & Co, 1937) p. 4, Michael Fry, ‘Introduction’ The Scottish Empire (Edinburgh: Tuckwell Press, 2001) passim, T.M. Devine, To the Ends of the Earth: Scotland’s Global Diaspora, 1750-2010, (London: Penguin Books, 2012) p. xiv.

[2] A.D. Gibb, Scottish Empire, p. 4.

[3] T.M. Devine, To the Ends of the Earth, p. 259.

[4] Accessed 20/03/2015 at 11.16am http://www.heraldscotland.com/politics/referendum-news/stand-off-at-buchanan-street-steps-yes-campaigners-confront-100-westminster.1410437305

[5] University of Glasgow Archives Services, accessed 17.59 on 20/03/2015: http://cheshire.cent.gla.ac.uk/ead/search?operation=search&fieldidx1=bath.corporateName&fieldrel1=exact&fieldcont1=james%20finlay%20%26%20co%201750%20-%201909#leftcol

[6] Ray Mackenzie, Public Sculpture of Glasgow (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2002) p. 152.

[7] T.M. Devine, To the Ends of the Earth, p. xvi.

[8] Michael Fry, The Scottish Empire, passim.

[9] T.M. Devine, To the Ends of the Earth, p. xiii.

[10] Ibid. p. xiii.

[11] Michael Fry, The Scottish Empire, p. 321.

[12] Michael Moss and John R. Hume, Workshop of the British Empire: Engineering and Shipbuilding (Edinburgh: Heinemann Publishers, 1977) passim

[13] Andrew Thompson, ‘Empire and the British State’, p. 51

[14] T.M. Devine, To the Ends of the Earth, p. 6

[15] ‘India vs. American Wheat’, Glasgow Herald (Glasgow, Scotland) Friday, November 3. 1872; Issue 263.

[16] Douglas Hamilton, ‘Scotland and the Eighteenth-Century Empire’ The Oxford Handbook of Modern Scottish History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012) p. 423.

[17] Lord Dalhousie, Minute on Railways in India, 1853 (quoted in  John Hurd and Ian j Karr, India’s Railway History: A Research Handbook (Boston: Brill, 2012) p. 108.

[18] Ibid. p. 109.

[19] John Hurd and Ian J. Kerr, India’s Railway History: A Research Handbook (Boston: Brill, 2012) p. 108.

[20] Lord Dalhousie, Minute on Railways in India, 1853, p. 108.

[21] Ibid. p. 178.

[22] Ibid. p. 177.

[23] Ian J. Kerr, ‘Introduction’, Railways in Modern India, p. 41.

[24] John Hurd and Ian J. Kerr, India’s Railway History: A Research Handbook, p. 136.

[25] Anon., ‘Scottish Capital Abroad’, Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine, CXXXVI (1854) p. 468.

[26] W.J MacPherson, ‘Investment in Indian Railways, 1845-1875’, Economic History Review (December 1955) p. 178.

[27] Laura Bear, Lines of the Nation: Indian Railway Workers, Bureaucracy, and the Intimate Historical Self (Columbia: Columbia University Press, 2007) p. 3.

[28] John Hurd, ‘Railways’, Railways in Modern Indi, p. 154.

[29] T.M. Devine, To the Ends of the Earth, p. 260.

[30] University of Glasgow Archives Services, accessed 17.59 on 20/03/2015: http://cheshire.cent.gla.ac.uk/ead/search?operation=full&rsid=13196&firstrec=1&numreq=20&highlight=1&recid=gb0248ugd131-1

[31] ‘Letter from Gladstone, Wyllie & Co. to John Lean & Sons Ltd – received 31st July 1884’, University of Glasgow Archives Services, GB 0248 UGD 2/11/26.

[32] Ibid.

[33] Bernard Cohn, Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996) p. 14.

[34] ‘Letter from Gladstone, Wyllie & Co. to John Lean & Sons Ltd – received 31st July 1884’, University of Glasgow Archives Services, GB 0248 UGD 2/11/26.

[35] Ibid.

[36] Ibid.

[37] ‘1930 Industrial Britain: A. and J. Main and Co’ Grace’s Guide: British Industrial History accessed 22/03/2015 at 18:29 – http://www.gracesguide.co.uk/1930_Industrial_Britain:_A._and_J._Main_and_Co

[38] ‘The Calcutta International Exhibition (From a Corresponent)’, Glasgow Herald, (Glasgow, Scotland) Saturday, January 12, 1884; Issue 11.

[39] ‘1930 Industrial Britain: A. and J. Main and Co’ Grace’s Guide: British Industrial History accessed 22/03/2015 at 18:29 – http://www.gracesguide.co.uk/1930_Industrial_Britain:_A._and_J._Main_and_Co

[40] ‘A & J Main & Co’, Grace’s Guide to Britihs Industrial History – accessed 17.41 21/03/2015 http://www.gracesguide.co.uk/A._and_J._Main_and_Co

[41] Glasgow International Exhibition 1888: The Official Guide, International Exhibition of Industry, Science and Art (Glasgow, Scotland: 1888), University of Glasgow Special Collections Sp Coll Bh11-b.5 p. 1-34

[42] Ibid. p. 6

[43] T.M. Devine, To the Ends of the Earth, p. 181

[44] John Hurd and Ian J. Kerr, India’s Railway History, passim.

[45] Ian J. Kerr, ‘Introduction’, Railways in Modern India, p. 3.

[46] Ibid. p. 16.

[47] Ibid. p. 22.

[48] Michael Moss and John R. Hume, Workshop of the British Empire: Engineering and Shipbuilding (Edinburgh: Heinemann Publishers, 1977) p. 42.

[49] Walter Montgomorie Reid, ‘Dates and Notes of the Principal Occurrences of My Life’ (undated), University of Glasgow Archives Services, GB 0248 UGD 010/5/1 .

[50] Murdoch Nicolson and Mark O’Niell, Glasgow: Locomotive Builder to the World (Edinburgh: Polygon Books, 1987) p. 4

[51] Murdoch Nicolson and Mark O’Niell, Glasgow: Locomotive Builder to the World, p. 5.

[52] T.M. Devine, To the Ends of the Earth, p. 65.

[53] Michael Moss and John R. Hume, Workshop of the British Empire, p. 46.

[54] Ibid.

[55] Laura Bear, Lines of the Nation, p. 41.

[56] ‘Sir James Bain on the Resources of India’, Glasgow Herald (Glasgow, Scotland) Friday, November 3, 1882; Issue 263.

[57] Ibid.

[58] Ibid.

[59] Ibid.

[60] Glasgow International Exhibition 1888: The Official Guide, International Exhibition of Industry, Science and Art (Glasgow, Scotland: 1888), University of Glasgow Special Collections Sp Coll Bh11-b.5 p. 1.

[61] Ibid.

[62] J. H. Treble, ‘The Pattern of Investment of the Standard Life Assurance Company 1875-1914’, Business History Vol. 22 (1980) p. 170-88.

[63] T.M. Devine, To the Ends of the Earth, p. 234.

[64] Ibid., p.233.

[65] Ibid. p.234.

[66] Glasgow International Exhibition 1888: The Official Guide, International Exhibition of Industry, Science and Art (Glasgow, Scotland: 1888), University of Glasgow Special Collections Sp Coll Bh11-b.5 p. 1-34.

[67] Ray Mackenzie, Public Sculpture of Glasgow, p. 149-151 .

[68] William Young, quoted in ibid., p. 156.

[69] A.D. Gibb, Scottish Empire, p. vii.

[70] T.M. Devine, To the Ends of the Earth, p. 262.

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